His father came from Thuringia and his mother from Vienna. He does not belong to any political party nor is he tied to any religious confession. From to he served as infantryman Panzergrenadier in the German Bundeswehr, leaving the force as second-lieutenant. In he immigrated to South Africa. He wrote his thesis on the concept of duty, focussing in particular on Siegfried Lenz who is considered to be the leading proponent in post war Germany of the essential and complicated question on the possible combination of Humanity and Duty. Since Nordbruch has worked as a lecturer, journalist and has written many academic and non-fiction books.
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By Dr. Claus Nordbruch Long before the outbreak of the Second World War, and certainly long before the outcome of this European slaughter of brothers was foreseeable, the victors-to-be and their hangers-on had made plans for the disposition of Germany that contained fundamental violations of the Law of Nations. In addition to demilitarization and de-nazification projects there were plans for the destruction or expulsion of Germans from territories they have had inhabited for many centuries.
During the Pan Slavic Congress held in Prague in the decision was taken that not only Sudeten Germans, but all ethnic Germans east of the line Triest-Stettin should be driven out.
These projects in violation of the Law of Nations were by no means merely the extravagant thoughts of chauvinistic, pan Slavic or Communist politicians: they were the official policy of national governments. The preamble to the Atlantic Charter expressly granted Czechoslovakia the proviso that, on the signing of the document, the expulsion of Germans could not be hindered. London communicated that it had no objection to the deportation of the Sudeten Germans, a population that has been dwelling in what is now Czechia as long as the Czechs themselves.
In July , a notice from high authority was circulated in the Czech resistance to the effect:  "We consider the possibility of the transfer of our German population. It can not be definitively stated that three millions of Germans in all can be transferred subject to some kind of international regulation. Even in Poland they dreamed of expansionist plunder raids and fantasized about Polish extension to Stettin and even to Berlin, and this long before September 1, The official program of the Polish Westmark Union contained the statement: "The natural boundary of Poland is west of the Oder.
On pushcarts drawn by dogs you came hither. You brought only a poor bedding. You can go back the same way. Churchill viewed the occupation of East Prussia by the Poles and the consequent mass expulsion of Germans with equanimity.
At the conference in Tehran he admitted to Polish imperialism:  "We believe that Poland unquestionably should be satisfied at the expense of Germany. In his view, six or seven million Germans had already been killed, and at least 1 or 1.
At the 4th session of the Yalta Conference, on February 7, , Churchill reinforced his anti-humanitarian conception by declaring "that he was not at all proposing to stop destroying the Germans.
It has perhaps not fallen into oblivion yet that Churchill, who prepared for or led war against Germany during more than four decades of his life, has been celebrated in the Federal Republic of Germany as a "great European.
To return to the question, what one should do with Germany: Just after the conference in Casablanca from January 14 to 25, , US President Roosevelt caused a sensation when he said:  "Peace can come to the world only by the total elimination of German and Japanese war power.
That means a reasonable assurance of future world peace. With this declaration of "total war for total peace" all bridges left standing were broken. The German government was made to understand that all diplomatic possibilities for peace would be for naught. Germany stood with her back to the wall. Was there any other possibility than to fight to the bitter end with the motto, "Victory or Death," and to use all possible military means to achieve victory?
Factually, a German victory was by no means impossible. The advanced state of German technology, especially military technology, is shown by the fact that on 15 October the Army Main Command assigned to a cover group behind which operated German atomic research the task to find a way to use atomic fission and chain reactions to power rockets. Germany had a number of "wonder" weapons in the works during the war. For example, near the end of military operations the Germans made their giant A4 rocket ready for production.
It was 14 meters high, weighed nearly 11 metric tons and had a strike range of kilometers. It had an advanced rocket motor fueled by alcohol and liquid hydrazine and it could be guided by radar or other means. Because it traveled five times faster than the speed of sound, it could not be heard and thus could not be located.
According to Colonel D. In view of the immense number of inventions and patents, which the Allies searched for and confiscated in Germany immediately after the cease-fire, the Assistant Commanding General of US Air Force intelligence confessed to the Society of Aeronautical Engineers, that the Germans prepared a rocket surprise for the entire world in general and for Britain in particular, which most likely would have changed the course of the war, if the invasion would have been delayed for merely half a year.
Thus, according to Eden, Germany could not claim rights based on any part of the Charter which would not be applicable for Germany. Churchill insisted that the Atlantic Charter would not be a legal basis for the treatment of Germany and that territorial changes and corrections of borders could not be excluded.
No arguments would be accepted, so Churchill. According to him, unconditional surrender meant that the victors had their hands free to act as they please. The cause of One World showed itself clearly then. On June 14, , Roosevelt prayed! Grant us victory over the tyrants who would enslave all free men and nations.
Grant us faith and understanding to cherish all those who fight for freedom as if they were our brothers. Grant us brotherhood in hope and union, not only for the space of this bitter war, bur for the days to come which shall and must unite all the children of the earth.
Our earth is but a small star in the great universe. Yet of it we can make, if we choose, a planet unvexed by war, untroubled by hunger and fear, undivided by senseless distinctions of race, color, or theory. The spirit of man has awakened and the soul of man has gone forth. Grant us honor for our dead who died in the faith, honor for our living who work and strive for the faith, redemption and security for all captive lands and peoples.
Grant us patience with the deluded and pity for the betrayed. And grant us the skill and valor that shall cleanse the world of oppression and the old base doctrine that the strong must eat the weak because they are strong. Yet most of all grant us brotherhood, not only for this day but for all our years - a brotherhood, not only of words but of acts and deeds.
We are all of us children of earth - grant us that simple knowledge. If our brothers are oppressed, then we are oppressed. If they hunger we hunger. If their freedom is taken away our freedom is not secure. Grant us a common faith that man shall know bread and peace - that he shall know justice and righteousness, freedom and security, an equal opportunity and an equal chance to do his best, not only in our own lands, but throughout the world.
And in that faith let us march toward to the clean world our hands can make. The keyword was the dismemberment of Germany, in which the three Allies agreed with. Especially during the second session on December 1, Churchill promulgated the idea of carving up Germany and pleaded for the smashing of Prussia as the "root of all evil," as well as for the separation of Bavaria and other provinces from Germany.
Sniffing his opportunity, Stalin made known the demands of the Soviet Union:  "The Russians have no ice-free ports in the Baltic. In the territories of Memelland were incorporated in the newly organized Soviet republic of Lithuania. In the course of a drinking party during this conference, Stalin proposed the following toast, which was received by Roosevelt with hearty laughter:  "The strength of the German armed forces lies in 50, senior officers and scientists.
I raise my glass with the wish that they should be shot, as soon as we snatch them, all 50, In Washington in August General Eisenhower told the British ambassador that all the officers of the Main Command of the German Armed Forces, as well as all the leadership of the NSDAP including town officials, and all members of the secret police, should be liquidated. As the war progressed to the increasing disadvantage of Germany the intentions of the Allies with respect to the future treatment of the "German problem" became more and more audacious and specific.
They reached a high point at the conference at Yalta. Here the Allies discussed intensively the future to be imposed on the German Empire after an unconditional surrender. All three conference participants were agreed that there should be no other way to end the war.
It was only on lesser details that they were not entirely clear. For example, should they leave a German administration in office to whom the occupation zones would be assigned, or should they divide the rump of Germany into two states, north and south, with Vienna the capital of the latter? Finally they decided on another plan. Churchill stated that:  "in his opinion, there was no need to inform the Germans of the future policy to be conducted in respect of their country. The Germans should be told they would have to await further Allied demands after they surrendered.
These further demands would be made on the Germans by mutual agreement between the Allies. In this regard, Churchill declared further  "that an unconditional surrender precluded any armistice agreement. Unconditional surrender were the terms on which military operations were to be terminated. Those who signed the terms of an unconditional surrender submitted to the will of the victors. In numerous frontline newspapers the rules which were to govern the behavior of the soldiers of the Red Army were promulgated.
Most influential of all, however, were the propaganda briefs of Ilya Ehrenburg. When you have killed one German, kill another - for us there is nothing more jolly than German bodies. Also from the military side the message was unambiguous: In his daily orders for the march into East Prussia, Marshall Tcherniakovski stated: "There is no mercy - for anyone.
They blaze with hate and desire for revenge. German lawyer Heinz Nawratil refers to Alexander I. Solzhenitsyn, who in his novel Archipelago Gulag written in the period through , mentions that " [ First, he must hate the enemy like the plague, must want to annihilate him root and branch [ Do whatever you wish. Roosevelt and Henry Morgenthau, Jr. Both the soldiers of the German army and the German civilian population suffered from such behavior on the part of the soldiers of the Red Army.
The outrages were not isolated incidents, but were mass crimes known to the highest authority, and collectively would later qualify as one of the greatest mass crimes of modern times.
Shudder cursed Germany! We will crisscross you with fire and sword and in your heart we will stab the last German who ever trod Russian soil. We come as judges and revengers. The foe must be destroyed without mercy. May the German land, which spawned the fascist refuse, tremble under our booming tread! May the bloodspeckled hated foe who has inflicted so much pain and sorrow on us, tremble and drown in the streams of his black blood! You know what frightful suffering and what pain the Germans have caused your people, your family, your girlfriends.
Avenge them without mercy. For the life of every Soviet take the lives of ten Germans. Women could be raped. In East Prussia anyone could take any food.
Nordbruch ist partei- und konfessionslos. Gerhard Frey in Passau  in Rudolstadt. Seine Staats- und Gesellschaftskritik im Prosawerk der sechziger und siebziger Jahre. Eine kritische Auseinandersetzung. Fischer ISBN Eine Analyse des Werkes von Siegfried Lenz.